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AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!,

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democracynow.org,
The War and Peace Report.

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I’m Amy Goodman.

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JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And I’m Juan González.
Welcome to all of our listeners

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and viewers around the country
and around the world.

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The attorneys general of Maryland
and Washington, D.C.,

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have filed an anticorruption lawsuit

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against President Trump,

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accusing him of, quote,

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"unprecedented
constitutional violations."

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The lawsuit alleges Trump

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has flagrantly violated
the Emoluments

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Clause of the Constitution
by accepting payments

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from foreign governments
since he became president.

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AMY GOODMAN: The lawsuit cites reports
that the embassies of

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Kuwait and Saudi Arabia

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and other countries
have booked expensive rooms

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and held events at the Trump
International Hotel

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on Pennsylvania Avenue
in Washington, D.C.,

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possibly seeking to win favor
with the president.

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D.C. Attorney General
Karl Racine announced

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the lawsuit on Monday.

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ATTORNEY GENERAL KARL RACINE: 
President Trump’s businesses

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and his dealings violate

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the Constitution’s
anticorruption provisions,

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known as the Emoluments Clauses.

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My office window is just
a few floors above

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where we’re sitting today,

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and I can tell you that
as I look out the window

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and see the tower of the Trump
International Hotel,

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we know exactly what’s
going on every single day.

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We know that foreign governments
are spending money

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there in order
to curry favor

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with the president
of the United States.

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Just one example,
the kingdom of Saudi Arabia,

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whose government
has important business

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and policy before the president
of the United States,

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has already spent hundreds
of thousands of dollars

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at the Trump
International Hotel.

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JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Resistance against
Trump’s profiteering

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while in the Oval Office
has taken other shapes, as well.

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Last month,
artists projected the words

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"Pay Trump Bribes Here"

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on the front of Trump
International Hotel.

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Meanwhile, in another setback
to the Trump agenda,

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the U.S. Court of Appeals
for the Ninth Circuit

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unanimously ruled Monday
that President Trump

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had overstepped
his legal authority

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in signing an executive

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order seeking
to ban all refugees

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and citizens from six
majority-Muslim nations

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from entering the United States.

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AMY GOODMAN: Well, today, we spend
the rest of the hour

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with someone who has been closely

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following the various forms

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of resistance
against the Trump presidency:

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the best-selling author, journalist,

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activist Naomi Klein,

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author of The Shock Doctrine

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and also This Changes
Everything:

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Capitalism vs.
the Climate.

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She’s out today
with a new book;

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it’s called
No Is Not Enough:

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Resisting Trump’s Shock Politics

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and Winning the World We Need.

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In the book, Klein writes, quote,

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"This is one attempt to uncover

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how we got to this surreal
political moment.

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It is also an attempt
to predict how,

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under cover of shocks and crises,

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it could get a lot worse.

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And it’s a plan for how,

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if we keep our heads,

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we might just be able
to flip the script

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and arrive at a radically
better future."

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Naomi Klein, welcome to Democracy Now!

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NAOMI KLEIN: Thank you, Amy.
I’m very pleased to be with you.

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And hi, Juan.

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JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Hi.

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AMY GOODMAN: It’s great
to have you with us.

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You’re beginning your tour
across the United States.

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The book is called
No Is Not Enough.

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What do you mean?

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NAOMI KLEIN: Well, as you know, Amy,
I have been covering crises

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and major shocks to countries
for a long time.

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And to be honest with you,
when I wrote The Shock Doctrine

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and it came out 10 years ago,

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I actually kind of
thought no was enough,

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in the sense that I thought that

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if we understood this
particular tactic—and

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what I mean by "the shock doctrine"

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is the ways in which
large-scale shocks to societies,

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large-scale crises,
economic crises,

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wars, coups, natural disasters,

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has systematically been used
by right-wing governments,

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using the disorientation
and the panic in society,

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to push through
a very radical,

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pro-corporate agenda.

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You know, and I have been
on the show many times

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talking about examples of this,
like Hurricane Katrina

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and how that tragedy
and the dislocation

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of the residents of that city

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was used to privatize
the school system,

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attack public housing,

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introduce a tax-free
free enterprise zone

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under George Bush’s administration.

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But after that book
came out—it came out

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in 2007—we had
the 2008 financial crisis.

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And all around the world,
people did say no.

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You know, people knew

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that they were being forced to pay
for the crisis of the bankers.

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They took to the streets.
They occupied plazas.

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They stayed there for months.

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They said, "No. No more."

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But they didn’t,
in so many cases,

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have a plan for what to do
instead, beyond just,

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you know, we don’t want
the austerity,

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we don’t want the attacks.

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There wasn’t a credible plan
put forward, in many cases,

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for how we could
have a different

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and better economy,

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that responded to
the underlying reasons

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why we are seeing these shocks.

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And so, I think in this moment
where Trump

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is this sort of rolling
shock—you know,

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every day there’s
some shocking news.

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We just heard a few examples
of it in the headlines.

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Behind the scenes, we’re seeing

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that same agenda
advance very quickly.

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I’m concerned about
what’s going to happen

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if they have even
larger shocks to exploit,

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not the shock of just Trump himself

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and what he’s doing
and the various investigations,

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the various gaffes,
the various palace dramas,

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the rest of it,

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but I think it’s really crucial that

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in preparing for that,

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we understand that there
has to be a yes,

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what we want instead
of the shock doctrine.

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So that’s why I called it
No Is Not Enough

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and put a great big
"No" on the cover,

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because I just want to make sure
no one misses that message,

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because it’s a hard-won
insight after many years.

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JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, one of
the interesting things,

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to me, in reading your book

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was the—how you connect, for instance,

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the work you had
done long ago on branding

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and how the Trump administration

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has become the branding
of the president

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and how he was able
to understand

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the importance
of branding way

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back during when he was doing

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the Apprentice program.
NAOMI KLEIN: Right.

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JUAN GONZÁLEZ: In fact, you talk about,
you analyze The Apprentice

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and its impact
on American consciousness.

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NAOMI KLEIN: Right. So, I think we need
to understand that Trump

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is not playing
by the rules of politics.

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He’s playing by the rules of branding.

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And, you know,
there have been

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presidential conflicts
of interest before.

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There have been presidents
with business interests before.

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But there has never been
a fully commercialized global brand

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as a sitting U.S. president.

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That is unprecedented.

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And the reason
that’s unprecedented is

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because this is a relatively
new business model.

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It is—the business

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model that has been adopted

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by the Trump Organization

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is really not one that
existed before the 1990s.

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It is what I called
in my first book,

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No Logo, the hollow brand model, right?

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And the model comes out
of the fact that in the—so,

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the original history of branding
is you have a product—you know,

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maybe it was rice,
maybe it was beans,

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maybe it was shoes—you’re
a manufacturer first,

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but you want people
to buy your product,

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so you brand it.

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You put a logo on it.

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You identify it with, you know,

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some sort of iconic image,

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like Uncle Ben’s
or whatever it is, right?

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You give it a kind of personality.

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That stopped working in the 1980s.
Customers got savvy to it.

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I had—probably the most
requoted quote of mine

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in No Logo is from
an advertising executive who said,

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"Consumers are like roaches.

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You spray them and spray them,
and they become immune after a while."

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It’s just lovely insight
from a marketer, yeah,

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about how they see customers.

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So, marketing started
to get more ambitious,

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and then you started
to see these companies

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that position themselves
as lifestyle brands.

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And they said, "No, we’re not
product-based companies.

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We are in the business
of selling ideas and identity."

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Nike was the ultimate
example of this.

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Nike CEO Phil
Knight stepped forward

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and said, "We are not a sneaker company.

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We are not a shoe company.

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We are about the idea

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of transcendence
through sports," right?

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Starbucks wasn’t
a coffee company;

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it was about the idea
of community

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and the third place.

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And, you know, Disney was family.
And all this.

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So, there was these—you know,

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the corporations
would have their séances

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and come forward and say,
"We have our grand idea."

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This changed manufacturing
dramatically,

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because once you decide
that you’re in the business

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of selling an idea
as opposed to aproduct,

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well, it doesn’t really matter
who makes your product.

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What you want to do
is you want to own

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as little sort of hard
infrastructure as possible,

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and your real value is your name
and how you build that up.

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So, Trump was more of a
traditional business in the 1980s.

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And Trump was just sort of like
a guy who built buildings,

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but—built buildings and had
a flair for marketing.

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But the game changer for him
was The Apprentice.

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That’s when he got to—he realized

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he could enter
the stratosphere of the superbrands.

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And his business model changed.

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It no longer became about
building the building

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or buying the building.

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That was for other people to do.

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He was about building
up the Trump name

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and then selling it and leasing it

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in as many different ways
as possible.

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So you’ve got
the Trump water and Trump

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Steaks and Trump’s

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very so-called dodgy university.

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And so many of the towers,

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the Trump towers
around the world,

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the Trump resorts
around the world,

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those are not owned
by the Trump Organization.

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The Trump Organization
is paid millions of dollars

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by these developers
for the privilege

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of putting the Trump name
on those towers.

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So, this has huge implications
for how we understand the corruption

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at the heart of Trump’s decision

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to merge his global brand
with the U.S. government,

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which is what is underway
on so many different fronts,

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because, honestly,
what it means is,

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every time we say
the word "Trump,"

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even when we’re saying it
in a negative light,

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we’re doing his marketing for him.

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So, you know, with this lawsuit

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that was just announced
by the attorneys general

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of New York and D.C.—

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AMY GOODMAN: Maryland.

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NAOMI KLEIN: Oh, sorry,
of Maryland and D.C.—yeah,

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maybe New York
will get in on it—you know,

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it’s getting at part of it,

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in the sense that foreign governments

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are clearly favoring Trump

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hotels as a way to ingratiate
themselves to the president.

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But the conflict is
more continuous than that,

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because Trump’s big idea,

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the idea at the center of his brand,

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is the power that
comes with wealth.

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And so, the more powerful
he is—and, of course,

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he happens somehow
to have got himself

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the most powerful job
in the world—that fact

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alone is massively increasing
the value of his brand,

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which his sons are
cashing in on busily

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on every front by selling that name
for inflated prices.

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And, of course, Trump,
by not divesting

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from the Trump Organization,

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profits from that
as president.

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So the conflict
is baked in,

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happening every second.

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AMY GOODMAN: So you talk about
jamming the Trump brand. How?

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NAOMI KLEIN: Right. So, this phrase,
"culture jamming,"

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was very much in vogue
in the 1990s

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when these superbrands
sort of emerged

00:11:26.980 --> 00:11:28.810
and started kind of
projecting their names

00:11:28.810 --> 00:11:30.810
onto ever more surfaces.

00:11:30.810 --> 00:11:33.060
You know, maybe you remember
some of the campaigns,

00:11:33.060 --> 00:11:36.460
like "Just don’t do it,"
which—exposing the sweatshops

00:11:36.460 --> 00:11:38.940
that Nike products
were being made under;

00:11:40.070 --> 00:11:42.850
you know, "Joe Cancer,"

00:11:42.850 --> 00:11:44.260
taking on Joe Camel,

00:11:45.920 --> 00:11:47.700
this, you know,
cartoon character

00:11:47.700 --> 00:11:49.700
which is basically
selling cigarettes to kids.

00:11:50.610 --> 00:11:53.760
So, yeah, I’ve been thinking about:
How do we jam the Trump brand?

00:11:53.760 --> 00:11:55.710
Because I think you have
to kind of accept Trump

00:11:55.710 --> 00:11:57.730
on his own terms to some degree.

00:11:57.730 --> 00:12:00.660
And this idea that we’re going
to somehow catch him out,

00:12:01.640 --> 00:12:04.870
damage him by proving
that he is corrupt,

00:12:05.400 --> 00:12:08.680
you know, that he treats people
awfully, that’s his brand.

00:12:08.680 --> 00:12:11.240
His brand is that he’s the boss,

00:12:11.240 --> 00:12:13.680
and he gets to do
whatever he wants.

00:12:13.680 --> 00:12:16.470
That’s what he has been selling now
for many, many decades.

00:12:16.470 --> 00:12:16.860
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, along with that—

00:12:16.860 --> 00:12:18.300
NAOMI KLEIN: So the more
he gets away with it—yeah.

00:12:18.300 --> 00:12:21.910
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: But to get back to
The Apprentice, The Apprentice,

00:12:21.910 --> 00:12:23.820
as you so aptly describe,

00:12:23.820 --> 00:12:28.460
was really based on selling
a cutthroat brand of capitalism

00:12:28.460 --> 00:12:30.970
to the American people as the way
that people should be.

00:12:30.970 --> 00:12:31.620
And—

00:12:31.620 --> 00:12:33.080
NAOMI KLEIN: Yeah,
it’s televised class war.

00:12:33.080 --> 00:12:34.310
I mean, it opens up

00:12:34.310 --> 00:12:36.280
with an image
of a homeless man

00:12:36.280 --> 00:12:38.650
sleeping rough
on the streets of New York,

00:12:38.650 --> 00:12:41.770
and then cuts to Trump
in his limousine.

00:12:41.770 --> 00:12:43.380
And it’s basically like
"Who do you want to be?

00:12:43.380 --> 00:12:44.840
The homeless guy or Trump?"
Right?

00:12:44.840 --> 00:12:46.680
And so, you know,
this happens.

00:12:47.250 --> 00:12:51.610
You know, the show launches
at a time

00:12:51.610 --> 00:12:55.520
when people understand
that this—that neoliberalism

00:12:55.520 --> 00:12:56.980
is not lifting all boats.

00:12:56.980 --> 00:12:59.650
It is this cutthroat world
of winners and losers.

00:12:59.650 --> 00:13:01.350
And which one
do you want to be?

00:13:01.350 --> 00:13:04.390
And that was very sharply
played out in The Apprentice,

00:13:04.390 --> 00:13:06.860
and it got more brutal
as the show went on.

00:13:06.860 --> 00:13:08.100
And, you know,
I didn’t know this until

00:13:08.100 --> 00:13:09.690
I started researching this book,
I have to admit.

00:13:09.690 --> 00:13:11.540
I had maybe watched
The Apprentice a couple of times.

00:13:11.540 --> 00:13:13.420
I didn’t know that in later seasons

00:13:13.420 --> 00:13:17.360
they deported half
of their contestants

00:13:17.360 --> 00:13:19.150
into tents in the backyard.

00:13:19.150 --> 00:13:20.740
They called it Trump’s
trailer park.

00:13:21.370 --> 00:13:25.560
And, you know,
they would overlay the sound

00:13:25.560 --> 00:13:27.690
of like howling dogs at night.

00:13:27.690 --> 00:13:29.360
And it was this idea

00:13:29.360 --> 00:13:32.480
of creating drama
out of the massive

00:13:32.480 --> 00:13:34.740
inequalities of our economic system.

00:13:34.740 --> 00:13:37.940
The people who were
sleeping in the backyard,

00:13:37.940 --> 00:13:40.790
who had been deported
into Trump’s trailer park,

00:13:40.790 --> 00:13:42.380
would peak over the hedges

00:13:42.380 --> 00:13:44.930
to look at the people
living in the mansion,

00:13:44.930 --> 00:13:46.230
you know, drinking champagne

00:13:46.230 --> 00:13:48.160
and floating around
in the swimming pool, right?

00:13:48.160 --> 00:13:51.200
So, I think that this
is part of his appeal,

00:13:51.200 --> 00:13:53.760
like not to challenge
this massive inequality,

00:13:53.760 --> 00:13:56.830
but to promise that
if you play by my rules,

00:13:56.830 --> 00:13:58.030
you end up in the mansion.

00:13:58.680 --> 00:14:00.300
And it will be even sweeter

00:14:00.300 --> 00:14:02.750
because people are
sleeping outside, right?

00:14:02.750 --> 00:14:03.870
Because you won.

00:14:03.870 --> 00:14:08.550
And, you know, I think that this
has been very much the message

00:14:08.550 --> 00:14:11.100
that he ran on as president, right?

00:14:11.100 --> 00:14:13.940
The promise of lifting
you up, the chosen few—

00:14:13.940 --> 00:14:15.800
right?—the white
working class,

00:14:15.800 --> 00:14:20.110
and at the explicit
extent—at

00:14:20.110 --> 00:14:24.030
the explicit expense of brutality

00:14:24.030 --> 00:14:26.170
against people of color, right?

00:14:26.170 --> 00:14:29.220
And so, that formula that he honed,

00:14:29.220 --> 00:14:30.460
that was so profitable,

00:14:30.460 --> 00:14:33.200
that got such great
ratings on The Apprentice,

00:14:33.850 --> 00:14:36.230
is now—the world
is his reality show.

00:14:36.230 --> 00:14:38.570
And, you know, I quote
Newt Gingrich in the book,

00:14:39.090 --> 00:14:40.920
where Newt Gingrich was asked—and

00:14:40.920 --> 00:14:43.990
he’s been such a booster
of Trump’s—what he thought of Trump

00:14:43.990 --> 00:14:47.220
staying on as executive producer
of Celebrity Apprentice,

00:14:47.220 --> 00:14:50.310
and Newt Gingrich,
in a rare criticism of Trump,

00:14:50.310 --> 00:14:51.820
said that he thought
it was a bad idea,

00:14:51.820 --> 00:14:54.330
because Trump was now
the executive producer

00:14:54.330 --> 00:14:56.870
of a show called
The United States.

00:14:56.870 --> 00:15:00.580
And I thought that was, you know,
a rare moment of truth, right?

00:15:00.580 --> 00:15:02.330
We’ve all been recruited
as extras into this show.

00:15:02.330 --> 00:15:04.240
AMY GOODMAN: Well, I think the Trumps
have declared this week

00:15:04.240 --> 00:15:06.530
"Apprentice Week,"
and he and his daughter

00:15:06.530 --> 00:15:07.870
and adviser Ivanka Trump

00:15:07.870 --> 00:15:09.750
are going to Wisconsin today,

00:15:09.750 --> 00:15:11.250
where they’re going to Waukesha,

00:15:11.250 --> 00:15:14.190
where a GE plant is closing,

00:15:14.190 --> 00:15:16.150
and it’s heading to Canada,
where you’re from.

00:15:16.150 --> 00:15:19.280
And we’re going to talk about
all this and more with Naomi Klein.

00:15:19.280 --> 00:15:22.030
Her new book is out;
it is called

00:15:22.030 --> 00:15:24.050
No Is Not Enough:

00:15:24.050 --> 00:15:26.120
Resisting Trump’s Shock Politics

00:15:26.120 --> 00:15:28.340
and Winning the World We Need.

00:15:28.340 --> 00:15:31.410
We’ll also talk about
this weekend in Chicago,

00:15:31.410 --> 00:15:32.610
where we both were.

00:15:32.610 --> 00:15:36.330
Bernie Sanders held a major event,
the People’s Summit.

00:15:36.330 --> 00:15:38.160
Four thousand people came.

00:15:38.160 --> 00:15:40.790
You’ll hear some of what he has to say.

00:15:40.790 --> 00:15:43.100
And also, what happened in Britain

00:15:43.100 --> 00:15:45.660
with Jeremy Corbyn, the Labour leader?

00:15:45.660 --> 00:15:48.320
Is he soon to be the British
prime minister? Stay with us.

00:15:48.320 --> 00:15:48.970
[break]

00:15:48.970 --> 00:16:10.640
AMY GOODMAN: "Terrifying Sight"

00:16:10.640 --> 00:16:12.960
by Ani DiFranco,
here on Democracy Now!,

00:16:12.960 --> 00:16:16.210
democracynow.org,
The War and Peace Report.

00:16:16.210 --> 00:16:18.650
I’m Amy Goodman, with Juan González.

00:16:18.650 --> 00:16:21.990
This weekend, 4,000 people
packed the McCormick

00:16:21.990 --> 00:16:25.160
Place convention center
for a People’s Summit.

00:16:25.160 --> 00:16:26.360
Independent senator,

00:16:26.360 --> 00:16:28.950
former presidential
candidate Bernie Sanders

00:16:28.950 --> 00:16:31.330
delivered the keynote speech.

00:16:31.330 --> 00:16:32.530
During his speech,

00:16:32.530 --> 00:16:35.660
he repeatedly criticized
the Democratic Party,

00:16:35.660 --> 00:16:37.610
calling it an "absolute failure"

00:16:37.610 --> 00:16:41.160
and blaming it for the election
of President Trump.

00:16:41.800 --> 00:16:44.810
SEN. BERNIE SANDERS: I’m often asked
by the media and others:

00:16:44.810 --> 00:16:48.340
How did it come about
that Donald Trump,

00:16:48.340 --> 00:16:51.720
the most unpopular
presidential candidate

00:16:52.240 --> 00:16:54.110
in the modern history
of our country,

00:16:54.630 --> 00:16:55.900
won the election?

00:16:57.180 --> 00:16:58.600
And my answer

00:16:58.600 --> 00:17:07.260
is—and my answer

00:17:07.260 --> 00:17:10.940
is that Trump didn’t win the election;

00:17:10.940 --> 00:17:13.700
the Democratic Party
lost the election.

00:17:18.090 --> 00:17:23.470
Let us—let us be very,
very clear:

00:17:24.220 --> 00:17:29.150
The current model—
the current model

00:17:29.150 --> 00:17:32.440
and the current strategy
of the Democratic Party

00:17:32.440 --> 00:17:34.670
is an absolute failure.

00:17:39.630 --> 00:17:44.640
This is not—this
is not my opinion.

00:17:44.640 --> 00:17:46.870
This is the facts.

00:17:49.940 --> 00:17:53.920
You know, we focus a lot
on the presidential election,

00:17:53.920 --> 00:17:56.000
but we also have to understand

00:17:56.550 --> 00:18:00.090
that Democrats have
lost the U.S. House,

00:18:00.090 --> 00:18:02.010
the U.S. Senate.

00:18:02.010 --> 00:18:06.050
Republicans now control
almost two-thirds

00:18:06.050 --> 00:18:08.450
of the governors’ chairs
throughout the country.

00:18:09.710 --> 00:18:12.100
And over the last nine years,

00:18:12.100 --> 00:18:16.520
Democrats have lost
almost 1,000

00:18:16.520 --> 00:18:19.030
legislative seats in states

00:18:19.030 --> 00:18:20.780
all across this country.

00:18:20.780 --> 00:18:25.380
Today—today, in almost
half of the states

00:18:25.380 --> 00:18:26.630
in America,

00:18:26.630 --> 00:18:27.870
Democratic Party

00:18:27.870 --> 00:18:31.820
has almost no
political presence at all.

00:18:32.480 --> 00:18:34.450
Now, if that’s not a failure,

00:18:35.020 --> 00:18:37.180
if that’s not a failed model,

00:18:37.180 --> 00:18:39.410
I don’t know
what a failed model is.

00:18:45.260 --> 00:18:48.480
AMY GOODMAN: That’s Bernie Sanders
speaking on Saturday night

00:18:48.480 --> 00:18:51.430
at the People’s Summit in Chicago

00:18:51.430 --> 00:18:54.110
at the McCormick
Place convention center.

00:18:54.790 --> 00:18:58.100
It was an event that was organized
by many different groups,

00:18:58.100 --> 00:19:01.760
primarily the Nurses United,

00:19:01.760 --> 00:19:03.170
nurses around the country.

00:19:03.170 --> 00:19:04.780
About a thousand nurses
were there.

00:19:04.780 --> 00:19:07.190
Naomi, we were both there.

00:19:07.820 --> 00:19:11.170
Can you talk about the significance
of what Bernie Sanders said?

00:19:11.170 --> 00:19:12.560
Now, remember, he is in

00:19:12.560 --> 00:19:13.850
the Democratic leadership—
NAOMI KLEIN: Yeah.

00:19:13.850 --> 00:19:14.830
AMY GOODMAN: —right now of the Senate.

00:19:14.830 --> 00:19:17.170
He is supposedly like
the outreach person.

00:19:17.170 --> 00:19:18.780
He was brought into it.

00:19:18.780 --> 00:19:22.130
But he’s got a fierce critique
of the Democratic Party.

00:19:22.130 --> 00:19:25.190
NAOMI KLEIN: Yeah. And I think he’s been
biting his tongue a little bit.

00:19:25.190 --> 00:19:27.740
I might speculate
that he was inspired

00:19:27.740 --> 00:19:29.140
by what just happened in the U.K.

00:19:29.140 --> 00:19:30.620
with Jeremy
Corbyn—we know

00:19:30.620 --> 00:19:32.390
he just came back
from a trip to the U.K.—

00:19:33.770 --> 00:19:37.230
because there is
an interesting parallel,

00:19:37.230 --> 00:19:40.580
in the sense that Jeremy
Corbyn was elected

00:19:40.580 --> 00:19:43.680
by a grassroots, insurgent,

00:19:43.680 --> 00:19:45.530
youth-led movement.

00:19:45.530 --> 00:19:46.760
He was elected as leader

00:19:46.760 --> 00:19:49.730
originally—a youth-led movement

00:19:49.730 --> 00:19:51.780
called Momentum in the U.K., many,

00:19:51.780 --> 00:19:54.000
many young people
who joined the Labour Party

00:19:54.000 --> 00:19:55.870
in order to support Jeremy Corbyn.

00:19:56.820 --> 00:20:01.280
And there was this—they were
treated as, you know, invade—like,

00:20:01.280 --> 00:20:03.470
instead of being excited

00:20:03.470 --> 00:20:07.150
about this wave of interest
in the political party,

00:20:07.150 --> 00:20:09.050
the Labour Party establishment,

00:20:09.050 --> 00:20:12.000
the so-called New
Labour party establishment,

00:20:12.000 --> 00:20:15.120
because Labour was rebranded
by Tony Blair

00:20:15.120 --> 00:20:18.010
in the late 1990s
to be the New Labour party,

00:20:18.010 --> 00:20:20.120
which is kind of like
a labor-scented party

00:20:20.120 --> 00:20:23.150
as opposed to a party
of actually working people,

00:20:23.150 --> 00:20:25.360
really using the tools of marketing

00:20:25.360 --> 00:20:28.000
as opposed to having a party

00:20:28.000 --> 00:20:31.690
that knows what it stands
for and who it stands for.

00:20:31.690 --> 00:20:33.940
And so, Jeremy Corbyn was elected,

00:20:33.940 --> 00:20:36.390
and there was just
this campaign of sabotage.

00:20:36.390 --> 00:20:39.020
It was just the end of the world.
He’s unelectable. He was smeared.

00:20:39.020 --> 00:20:41.340
Then there was a coup
to try to unseat him.

00:20:41.340 --> 00:20:44.870
He was sabotaged
relentlessly by his MPs,

00:20:44.870 --> 00:20:46.580
while he was leader,

00:20:46.580 --> 00:20:49.780
who were constantly
leaking damning information,

00:20:49.780 --> 00:20:52.130
trying to make him
look bad in the press,

00:20:52.130 --> 00:20:54.550
sabotaging him at every front, right?

00:20:55.130 --> 00:20:58.810
But the insurgency was
ultimately successful,

00:20:58.810 --> 00:21:02.160
in that this campaign
was a tremendous upset.

00:21:02.160 --> 00:21:03.460
It was an—sorry,

00:21:03.460 --> 00:21:06.400
this election was a tremendous
upset in the U.K.

00:21:06.400 --> 00:21:08.090
[Theresa]

00:21:08.090 --> 00:21:09.880
May did not need
to call the election.

00:21:09.880 --> 00:21:11.080
She said she wouldn’t
call the election.

00:21:11.080 --> 00:21:12.470
The only reason she
called the election,

00:21:12.470 --> 00:21:14.290
because she was so convinced

00:21:14.290 --> 00:21:16.610
that she was going to get
an overwhelming majority,

00:21:16.610 --> 00:21:19.360
which was supposed to
give her this mandate

00:21:19.360 --> 00:21:22.280
to get the best
deal possible under Brexit

00:21:22.280 --> 00:21:23.970
as they negotiated with the EU.

00:21:23.970 --> 00:21:26.380
And there’s this huge upset,
and, in fact,

00:21:26.380 --> 00:21:28.450
she loses all these seats,
she loses her majority.

00:21:28.450 --> 00:21:30.850
Jeremy Corbyn wins about 30 seats.

00:21:30.850 --> 00:21:32.210
AMY GOODMAN: Let’s go to Jeremy Corbyn—
NAOMI KLEIN: Yeah.

00:21:32.210 --> 00:21:34.000
AMY GOODMAN: —in his own words.

00:21:34.000 --> 00:21:37.950
JEREMY CORBYN: What’s happened is people
have said they’ve had quite enough

00:21:37.950 --> 00:21:39.230
of austerity politics,

00:21:39.230 --> 00:21:42.560
they’ve had quite enough of cuts
in public expenditure,

00:21:42.560 --> 00:21:44.470
underfunding our health service,

00:21:44.470 --> 00:21:47.720
underfunding our schools
and our education service

00:21:47.720 --> 00:21:49.340
and not giving our young people

00:21:49.340 --> 00:21:52.040
the chance they deserve
in our society.

00:21:52.740 --> 00:21:54.310
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: That was Jeremy
Corbyn speaking.

00:21:54.310 --> 00:21:56.110
I wanted to ask you—in

00:21:56.110 --> 00:21:58.710
No Is Not Enough,

00:21:58.710 --> 00:22:01.200
you also raise some criticisms

00:22:01.200 --> 00:22:02.600
of why Bernie Sanders

00:22:02.600 --> 00:22:05.110
was not more successful
during the primary campaign.

00:22:05.110 --> 00:22:07.970
And you raise the issue
that some people claim

00:22:07.970 --> 00:22:10.380
that Hillary Clinton
rode identity politics,

00:22:11.200 --> 00:22:13.760
as well as the machinations
of the Democratic Party,

00:22:13.760 --> 00:22:16.750
to be able to persevere
against him,

00:22:16.750 --> 00:22:19.870
in that was an issue of identity
politics versus class politics.

00:22:19.870 --> 00:22:23.370
But you raise some criticism on that.

00:22:23.370 --> 00:22:24.970
I’m wondering if you
could expand on that.

00:22:24.970 --> 00:22:28.630
NAOMI KLEIN: Yeah, I mean, and I
endorsed Bernie and support him.

00:22:28.630 --> 00:22:30.980
I think he’s a tremendously
important voice,

00:22:30.980 --> 00:22:32.600
and I’m so grateful to him.

00:22:32.600 --> 00:22:35.470
But I don’t think we, you know,

00:22:35.470 --> 00:22:38.990
do ourselves a service
on the progressive side

00:22:38.990 --> 00:22:40.410
of the political
spectrum—you know,

00:22:40.410 --> 00:22:41.890
those of us who do believe it

00:22:41.890 --> 00:22:43.920
is a moment for deep change

00:22:43.920 --> 00:22:45.810
as opposed to these little
sort of tinkering

00:22:45.810 --> 00:22:47.010
changes—to

00:22:47.010 --> 00:22:49.100
not engage in self-criticism
in this moment.

00:22:49.100 --> 00:22:51.090
I mean, I am sort of
disheartened by the extent

00:22:51.090 --> 00:22:53.830
to which some of this debate
is still frozen

00:22:53.830 --> 00:22:56.180
as if we are still
in the primary,

00:22:56.180 --> 00:22:57.970
and you still have people
in their hard,

00:22:57.970 --> 00:22:59.790
you know, "Bernie would have won" camps,

00:23:00.380 --> 00:23:03.020
and you still have
Hillary supporters

00:23:03.020 --> 00:23:06.090
refighting and blaming Bernie supporters
for Hillary’s defeat.

00:23:06.090 --> 00:23:08.970
And it’s just like we have
to get out of that debate.

00:23:08.970 --> 00:23:13.060
And I think on—among the people
who did support Bernie,

00:23:13.730 --> 00:23:16.440
like the many thousands of people
who were at the People’s Summit,

00:23:16.440 --> 00:23:20.170
I think it’s very
important to understand

00:23:20.170 --> 00:23:23.920
why Bernie wasn’t able
to go all the way, right?

00:23:23.920 --> 00:23:25.300
I mean, he got 13 million votes.

00:23:25.300 --> 00:23:26.820
He took 22 states.

00:23:26.820 --> 00:23:29.840
He got closer
than any candidate

00:23:30.720 --> 00:23:35.070
who described himself
as a democratic socialist,

00:23:35.070 --> 00:23:37.010
his campaign as
a political revolution.

00:23:37.010 --> 00:23:38.810
I mean, it was incredible.

00:23:38.810 --> 00:23:42.360
But I don’t think
Bernie lost the primary

00:23:42.360 --> 00:23:44.720
because the Democratic base

00:23:44.720 --> 00:23:46.390
is too conservative for Bernie.

00:23:46.390 --> 00:23:47.690
I think he lost the primary

00:23:47.690 --> 00:23:50.630
because he was not able
to connect with,

00:23:50.630 --> 00:23:54.030
to speak to enough
black and Latino voters,

00:23:54.030 --> 00:23:56.150
who tend to be more progressive

00:23:56.150 --> 00:23:57.880
than the rest of
the Democratic base,

00:23:58.650 --> 00:24:02.910
and also to older women,
who felt that their issues

00:24:02.910 --> 00:24:05.030
were too much of an add-on

00:24:05.030 --> 00:24:06.460
or sort of tacked on.

00:24:06.460 --> 00:24:09.440
So, you know, I think, frankly,
the best quote in my book

00:24:09.440 --> 00:24:11.020
is from Michelle Alexander,

00:24:11.020 --> 00:24:12.510
the author of The New Jim Crow,

00:24:12.510 --> 00:24:15.170
just a wonderful author
and theorist and activist.

00:24:15.170 --> 00:24:17.430
And, you know, she said to me

00:24:17.430 --> 00:24:20.970
that if the progressives cannot

00:24:20.970 --> 00:24:23.400
do a better job of connecting
with black voters,

00:24:23.400 --> 00:24:27.580
of understanding the role of race
in American history

00:24:27.580 --> 00:24:29.420
and telling that story
differently, she said,

00:24:29.420 --> 00:24:31.330
"They better get Elon Musk
on speed dial,

00:24:31.330 --> 00:24:33.290
because they’re going
to need another planet."

00:24:33.290 --> 00:24:36.030
And so, I think we—and
one of the things

00:24:36.030 --> 00:24:38.300
that I found really inspiring
about the People’s Summit

00:24:38.300 --> 00:24:40.480
was I think that critique
was really embedded

00:24:40.480 --> 00:24:43.520
in the way the weekend
was organized,

00:24:43.520 --> 00:24:46.340
I mean, beginning with the voices

00:24:46.340 --> 00:24:49.020
of organizers of color,

00:24:49.020 --> 00:24:50.630
the Million Hoodies Movement.

00:24:50.630 --> 00:24:54.350
We heard from the chairs
of the Women’s March,

00:24:55.060 --> 00:24:57.280
including Linda Sarsour,
on the opening night,

00:24:57.280 --> 00:24:59.690
speaking explicitly about the need

00:24:59.690 --> 00:25:02.160
for a deeply intersectional politic,

00:25:02.160 --> 00:25:06.690
to use Kimberlé Crenshaw’s
very important framing,

00:25:06.690 --> 00:25:08.890
and saying, "No,
this is not—this

00:25:08.890 --> 00:25:12.230
is not a competition
between class and economics

00:25:12.230 --> 00:25:14.520
and so-called
identity politics.

00:25:14.520 --> 00:25:16.280
It is deeply interconnected,

00:25:16.280 --> 00:25:20.120
and we can’t understand
the story of the United States

00:25:20.120 --> 00:25:22.540
and what this economy is
without understanding

00:25:22.540 --> 00:25:25.570
how race has been used
systematically as a wedge

00:25:25.570 --> 00:25:28.880
to divide and enforce
this brutal economic system."

00:25:28.880 --> 00:25:32.520
So I think that critique
is making it in there, you know,

00:25:32.520 --> 00:25:34.740
and I didn’t—don’t make
the critique in the book,

00:25:35.730 --> 00:25:37.840
you know, in the spirit
of finger-pointing.

00:25:37.840 --> 00:25:41.080
But just because
what we are seeing

00:25:41.080 --> 00:25:44.330
with Bernie’s candidacy,
with Corbyn’s candidacy,

00:25:44.330 --> 00:25:47.480
with Mélenchon’s candidacy
in France,

00:25:47.480 --> 00:25:49.490
who came two points shy—

00:25:49.490 --> 00:25:50.720
AMY GOODMAN: Explain
who Mélenchon was.

00:25:50.720 --> 00:25:51.270
NAOMI KLEIN: Yeah. Well, Jean-Luc—

00:25:51.270 --> 00:25:53.660
AMY GOODMAN: Not to be confused
with the new prime minister.

00:25:53.660 --> 00:25:57.730
NAOMI KLEIN: Yeah, right. So, in
the recent French elections recently,

00:25:58.350 --> 00:26:02.200
there was a—there was a surprise,

00:26:02.200 --> 00:26:03.570
where Jean-Luc Mélenchon,

00:26:03.570 --> 00:26:05.870
who is a very left-wing candidate,

00:26:05.870 --> 00:26:08.020
significantly to the left
of Bernie Sanders—I think

00:26:08.020 --> 00:26:10.980
he was calling for a rate
of a 100 percent taxation

00:26:10.980 --> 00:26:12.390
for the rich,
right?—running

00:26:12.390 --> 00:26:16.010
on a campaign
of really deep redistribution

00:26:16.640 --> 00:26:19.730
of wealth in order to pay
for the social safety

00:26:19.730 --> 00:26:24.710
net—it was a much less
xenophobic message.

00:26:24.710 --> 00:26:27.090
It was much more
friendly to refugees

00:26:27.090 --> 00:26:29.830
than we’ve been hearing
from French politicians,

00:26:29.830 --> 00:26:32.830
you know, even on the so-called left,

00:26:32.830 --> 00:26:35.700
an antiwar message, a pro-peace message,

00:26:35.700 --> 00:26:38.270
making the connections,
as Jeremy Corbyn did,

00:26:38.270 --> 00:26:42.750
between the failed war-on-terror-model

00:26:42.750 --> 00:26:44.510
foreign interventions

00:26:44.510 --> 00:26:48.520
and terrorist attacks
in France—in Jeremy Corbyn’s case,

00:26:48.520 --> 00:26:51.970
in the U.K.—really trying to get
at these root causes.

00:26:51.970 --> 00:26:54.910
Jean-Luc Mélenchon picked up,
I think, 10 points.

00:26:54.910 --> 00:26:56.790
I mean, he surged at the end.

00:26:56.790 --> 00:27:00.190
And he came, at the end
of the campaign—and

00:27:00.190 --> 00:27:01.710
this is on the first ballot,

00:27:01.710 --> 00:27:03.400
because the way
the French elections work

00:27:03.400 --> 00:27:06.670
is they have multiple candidates
on the first ballot,

00:27:06.670 --> 00:27:08.080
and then they narrow it down

00:27:08.080 --> 00:27:10.390
to two candidates
for the final vote.

00:27:10.390 --> 00:27:11.600
AMY GOODMAN: For president.

00:27:11.600 --> 00:27:12.980
NAOMI KLEIN: Yeah.
And all of a sudden,

00:27:12.980 --> 00:27:16.320
Mélenchon is getting 70,000
people at rallies, right?

00:27:16.320 --> 00:27:19.100
I mean, his was the campaign
that had the energy.

00:27:19.100 --> 00:27:23.280
And he came within two points
of Marine Le Pen,

00:27:23.280 --> 00:27:25.620
so he almost made it
onto the second ballot,

00:27:25.620 --> 00:27:27.400
which would have meant
that it was a race

00:27:27.400 --> 00:27:30.740
between a Hillary-like
neoliberal figure,

00:27:30.740 --> 00:27:33.840
which is who Macron is—Macron
is a former banker;

00:27:33.840 --> 00:27:35.840
he imposed economic austerity

00:27:35.840 --> 00:27:37.540
under the government
of François Hollande,

00:27:37.540 --> 00:27:40.530
despite Hollande
having won the election

00:27:40.530 --> 00:27:43.670
originally promising to resist

00:27:43.670 --> 00:27:46.700
the imposition
of austerity in France—so

00:27:46.700 --> 00:27:48.750
it would have been him
versus Mélenchon,

00:27:48.750 --> 00:27:50.300
which would have been
a very interesting race.

00:27:50.300 --> 00:27:52.990
As it turned out, it was
Marine Le Pen versus Macron.

00:27:52.990 --> 00:27:58.250
And thankfully, you know,
France rejected fascism.

00:27:58.250 --> 00:28:04.310
But my concern is that after,
you know, four years of the kind

00:28:04.310 --> 00:28:07.090
of privatizations, deregulation,

00:28:07.800 --> 00:28:10.150
austerity politics
that I think Macron

00:28:10.150 --> 00:28:12.150
is almost certain
to impose on France,

00:28:12.150 --> 00:28:14.010
I’m worried about
that setting the stage

00:28:14.010 --> 00:28:17.380
for a surge for the Front National,

00:28:17.380 --> 00:28:18.780
which is—you know,
people have

00:28:18.780 --> 00:28:21.730
made these direct analogies

00:28:21.730 --> 00:28:23.330
between Trump and Marine Le Pen,

00:28:23.330 --> 00:28:25.320
and sort of holding up Macron

00:28:25.320 --> 00:28:26.920
as if, well,
this proves

00:28:26.920 --> 00:28:28.260
that neoliberalism

00:28:28.260 --> 00:28:31.350
can beat a candidate like Trump.

00:28:31.350 --> 00:28:33.290
But Marine Le Pen is not Trump.

00:28:33.870 --> 00:28:37.290
The more accurate equivalent
would be David Duke.

00:28:37.290 --> 00:28:42.110
I mean, this is a party
with ties to Nazism historically,

00:28:43.850 --> 00:28:47.280
you know, that align themselves
with the Vichy regime.

00:28:47.280 --> 00:28:49.520
The fact that they got around

00:28:49.520 --> 00:28:50.890
30 percent of the vote in France

00:28:50.890 --> 00:28:52.240
is absolutely shocking.

00:28:52.240 --> 00:28:54.700
It’s nothing to feel,
you know, complacent about.

00:28:55.530 --> 00:28:58.090
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, earlier this month,
President Trump announced

00:28:58.090 --> 00:29:01.360
he will withdraw
from the United—the United States

00:29:01.360 --> 00:29:03.260
from the landmark Paris climate accord

00:29:03.260 --> 00:29:07.150
that was signed by nearly
200 nations in 2015.

00:29:08.220 --> 00:29:10.870
PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: As of today,
the United States

00:29:10.870 --> 00:29:13.630
will cease all implementation

00:29:14.140 --> 00:29:16.330
of the nonbinding Paris accord

00:29:17.610 --> 00:29:19.460
and the draconian financial

00:29:19.460 --> 00:29:20.860
and economic burdens

00:29:21.830 --> 00:29:24.910
the agreement imposes
on our country.

00:29:25.550 --> 00:29:28.150
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: In his speech,
Trump said he wants to negotiate

00:29:28.150 --> 00:29:29.620
a better climate deal.

00:29:30.990 --> 00:29:32.230
PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: 
So we’re getting out,

00:29:33.990 --> 00:29:35.710
but we will start
to negotiate,

00:29:36.820 --> 00:29:39.280
and we will see if we can make
a deal that’s fair.

00:29:39.280 --> 00:29:40.910
And if we can, that’s great.

00:29:41.900 --> 00:29:43.110
And if we can’t, that’s fine.

00:29:44.120 --> 00:29:47.220
... I’m willing to immediately work
with Democratic leaders

00:29:48.830 --> 00:29:51.740
to either negotiate
our way back into Paris,

00:29:52.790 --> 00:29:57.130
under the terms that are fair
to the United States

00:29:57.130 --> 00:29:58.820
and its workers,

00:29:58.820 --> 00:30:01.220
or to negotiate a new deal

00:30:02.310 --> 00:30:04.900
that protects our country
and its taxpayers.

00:30:05.990 --> 00:30:07.950
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Naomi Klein,
a better deal?

00:30:07.950 --> 00:30:09.350
NAOMI KLEIN: I just can’t wait, Juan.

00:30:09.350 --> 00:30:12.300
I mean, it’s been—took 25 years
to get this deal,

00:30:12.300 --> 00:30:14.640
but I’m just looking for
to another 25 years—

00:30:14.640 --> 00:30:15.960
right?—to get an even better deal,

00:30:15.960 --> 00:30:17.270
because when it comes
to climate change,

00:30:17.270 --> 00:30:18.860
we’ve got nothing
but time, you know?

00:30:18.860 --> 00:30:22.650
Sorry. That was unfair sarcasm
for Democracy Now!

00:30:22.650 --> 00:30:26.090
But no, I—I mean, everything
about what he said

00:30:26.090 --> 00:30:27.710
is just so extraordinary,

00:30:28.720 --> 00:30:31.210
and in particular this idea

00:30:31.210 --> 00:30:33.810
that the deal is unfair
to the United States,

00:30:33.810 --> 00:30:37.060
that it’s this draconian, top-down.

00:30:37.060 --> 00:30:40.840
I mean, the deal is so weak, right?

00:30:40.840 --> 00:30:42.960
And the reason
it is weak is

00:30:42.960 --> 00:30:44.860
because it doesn’t impose
anything on anyone.

00:30:44.860 --> 00:30:48.650
And the people who made sure of
that were the U.S. negotiators,

00:30:48.650 --> 00:30:52.210
who fought tooth
and nail—and this is not under Trump,

00:30:52.210 --> 00:30:55.570
this is under Obama—but,
you know, in large part

00:30:55.570 --> 00:30:58.710
because they had to bring
the deal back to the U.S.,

00:30:58.710 --> 00:31:00.540
and if it was a binding treaty,

00:31:00.540 --> 00:31:02.240
they would have had to get it ratified

00:31:02.240 --> 00:31:04.070
by a Republican-controlled House,

00:31:04.070 --> 00:31:05.430
and they knew that
they couldn’t, right?

00:31:05.430 --> 00:31:08.010
So the U.S. fought the world,

00:31:08.010 --> 00:31:10.670
which wanted a legally
binding treaty,

00:31:10.670 --> 00:31:12.950
and said, "Well,
then you won’t have us involved."

00:31:12.950 --> 00:31:19.250
So, what the deal actually is is really
just a kind of patchwork of the best

00:31:19.250 --> 00:31:21.110
that every country
could bring to the table.

00:31:21.110 --> 00:31:24.060
The U.S. brought Obama’s
Clean Power Plan,

00:31:24.060 --> 00:31:26.630
a plan to accelerate
the decommissioning

00:31:26.630 --> 00:31:28.250
of coal-fired power plants,

00:31:28.990 --> 00:31:32.330
new restrictions on new
coal-fired power plants

00:31:32.330 --> 00:31:34.920
that would require
that they sequester more carbon.

00:31:35.840 --> 00:31:38.820
It was a fraction of what
the U.S. needed to do

00:31:38.820 --> 00:31:41.680
to do its share of the goal
of the Paris accord,

00:31:41.680 --> 00:31:46.530
which is to keep warming below
1.5 to 2 degrees Celsius.

00:31:46.530 --> 00:31:49.810
You know, then that
deal was announced,

00:31:49.810 --> 00:31:52.100
I joked that the governments
of the world came together

00:31:52.100 --> 00:31:53.790
and said,
"We know it what we need to do,

00:31:53.790 --> 00:31:55.680
and we’re willing to do
roughly half that."

00:31:55.680 --> 00:31:57.870
Right? Because if you add it up,

00:31:57.870 --> 00:31:59.960
what all the governments
brought to the table,

00:31:59.960 --> 00:32:02.800
it didn’t lead to a trajectory
that would keep warming below

00:32:02.800 --> 00:32:04.080
what they said they wanted to do,

00:32:04.080 --> 00:32:06.060
but it would lead
to warming of double that.

00:32:06.060 --> 00:32:08.280
But under Trump,
they had already announced

00:32:08.280 --> 00:32:09.440
that weren’t even going to do that.

00:32:09.440 --> 00:32:11.570
So this whole debate
about Paris was

00:32:11.570 --> 00:32:14.610
whether or not the U.S.
was going to stay in the accord

00:32:14.610 --> 00:32:17.360
but treat it as if it wasn’t
worth the paper

00:32:17.360 --> 00:32:18.730
it was printed on,

00:32:18.730 --> 00:32:20.090
which would have had,
you know,

00:32:20.090 --> 00:32:23.920
a very insidious moral hazard
for other governments,

00:32:23.920 --> 00:32:26.250
because then if you have a volunteer,

00:32:26.250 --> 00:32:27.780
kind of good-faith agreement

00:32:27.780 --> 00:32:29.860
and the largest economy in the world

00:32:29.860 --> 00:32:31.150
is treating it like a joke,

00:32:31.150 --> 00:32:32.630
which is what would
have happened if Trump

00:32:32.630 --> 00:32:35.030
had stayed—they made
that clear as soon as they said

00:32:35.030 --> 00:32:37.620
that they were rolling back
the Clean Power Plan—then

00:32:37.620 --> 00:32:39.340
that would have encouraged
other governments

00:32:39.340 --> 00:32:41.720
that were already
starting to slip,

00:32:41.720 --> 00:32:43.140
like the government of Canada,

00:32:43.140 --> 00:32:44.810
under Trudeau—you know, went to Paris,

00:32:44.810 --> 00:32:46.100
made all kinds
of wonderful speeches

00:32:46.100 --> 00:32:50.180
and then went home and approved
two new tar sands pipelines

00:32:50.770 --> 00:32:54.880
and cheered when President Trump
approved the Keystone XL pipeline.

00:32:54.880 --> 00:32:56.120
So that’s three new tar sands pipelines.
You know—

00:32:56.120 --> 00:32:58.540
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, that’s—I wanted
to ask you about that, just the impact

00:32:58.540 --> 00:33:00.820
on the climate change movement
within the last three months,

00:33:00.820 --> 00:33:02.670
all of these reversals of Trump—
NAOMI KLEIN: Yeah.

00:33:02.670 --> 00:33:04.320
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: —Keystone,
Dakota Access.

00:33:04.990 --> 00:33:05.290
NAOMI KLEIN: Right.

00:33:05.290 --> 00:33:08.020
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: What’s your sense
now of how the movement

00:33:08.020 --> 00:33:09.150
will be able to function?
NAOMI KLEIN: Right.

00:33:09.150 --> 00:33:11.510
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And also, the importance
of the local resistance,

00:33:11.510 --> 00:33:14.170
of cities and states,
to the federal government?

00:33:14.170 --> 00:33:18.970
NAOMI KLEIN: Well, to be honest, I mean,
I think that this—just the shock

00:33:18.970 --> 00:33:21.550
of just seeing Trump
in the Rose Garden

00:33:21.550 --> 00:33:23.860
just lifting that middle
finger to the world,

00:33:25.620 --> 00:33:29.480
I think that is proving
to be more of a catalyst

00:33:29.480 --> 00:33:31.500
for other countries

00:33:31.500 --> 00:33:34.420
and for states here in the U.S.

00:33:34.420 --> 00:33:37.100
and cities here
in the U.S. to understand

00:33:37.100 --> 00:33:38.810
that this is the moment to step up,

00:33:38.810 --> 00:33:40.990
to increase ambitions,

00:33:40.990 --> 00:33:44.210
whereas I think
if it had been more ambiguous

00:33:44.210 --> 00:33:46.080
and they had stayed in

00:33:46.080 --> 00:33:47.780
and sort of pretended

00:33:47.780 --> 00:33:49.290
like there was something
happening—and,

00:33:49.290 --> 00:33:51.810
well, is Ivanka having
a good influence on him?

00:33:51.810 --> 00:33:53.640
Are things about to get better?—I mean,

00:33:53.640 --> 00:33:56.410
I don’t think we would have seen
this kind of very bold response

00:33:56.410 --> 00:33:59.020
of having hundreds of mayors
step forward and say,

00:33:59.020 --> 00:34:00.630
"No, we’re committed to Paris,"

00:34:00.630 --> 00:34:02.520
the mayor of Pittsburgh coming forward

00:34:02.520 --> 00:34:04.950
and saying—you know, after Trump said,

00:34:04.950 --> 00:34:07.570
"I was elected by the people
of Pittsburgh, not the people of Paris,"

00:34:07.570 --> 00:34:09.330
the mayor of Pittsburgh
stepping up and going,

00:34:09.330 --> 00:34:11.820
"Actually, you were not
elected in Pittsburgh.

00:34:12.980 --> 00:34:14.220
Pittsburgh voted for Hillary.

00:34:14.220 --> 00:34:16.430
And I’m going to get
the city of Pittsburgh

00:34:16.430 --> 00:34:19.260
to 100 percent renewable
energy by the year 2035,"

00:34:19.260 --> 00:34:22.160
which is exactly
the level of ambition

00:34:22.160 --> 00:34:24.310
we need across the board

00:34:24.310 --> 00:34:26.830
if we’re going to hit
that ambitious temperature target

00:34:26.830 --> 00:34:28.110
in the Paris accord,

00:34:28.110 --> 00:34:30.280
if we’re going to keep
temperatures below 1.5.

00:34:30.280 --> 00:34:33.770
So, you know,
that—I think this is—

00:34:33.770 --> 00:34:34.350
AMY GOODMAN: And then you have the—

00:34:34.350 --> 00:34:36.210
NAOMI KLEIN: Obviously, we would like
this not to be happening.

00:34:36.210 --> 00:34:38.250
We would like Donald Trump
not to be president.

00:34:38.250 --> 00:34:40.960
We would like not to have such an array
of bad options on the table.

00:34:40.960 --> 00:34:42.670
But given what we have,

00:34:42.670 --> 00:34:46.620
I would say that people
are stepping up.

00:34:46.620 --> 00:34:48.710
And that is what the climate
movement needs to be doing,

00:34:48.710 --> 00:34:50.480
is sending this very clear message

00:34:50.480 --> 00:34:53.390
that because of the recklessness,

00:34:53.390 --> 00:34:56.580
because the U.S. at the federal
level has gone rogue,

00:34:56.580 --> 00:34:59.020
at every level that Trump
does not control,

00:34:59.020 --> 00:35:02.370
whether it is universities
and their fossil fuel holdings,

00:35:02.370 --> 00:35:04.080
you know, whether it is states

00:35:04.080 --> 00:35:05.560
and their ability

00:35:05.560 --> 00:35:08.930
to get to 100 percent renewable very,
very quickly—because

00:35:08.930 --> 00:35:10.830
we don’t get our energy
at the federal level;

00:35:10.830 --> 00:35:13.100
we get it at the state level,
we get it at the provincial level,

00:35:13.100 --> 00:35:14.510
we get it
at the city

00:35:14.510 --> 00:35:16.230
level—at all those places

00:35:16.230 --> 00:35:18.820
where Trump doesn’t control things,

00:35:18.820 --> 00:35:20.750
there has to be
an increase of ambition.

00:35:20.750 --> 00:35:24.840
And thankfully, the climate
justice movement is,

00:35:24.840 --> 00:35:27.330
you know, I think, really focused
on that and understands

00:35:27.330 --> 00:35:28.530
that that’s the mission now.

00:35:28.530 --> 00:35:31.800
And I think we’re
seeing more ambition,

00:35:31.800 --> 00:35:34.790
including universities being likelier
to divest their holdings,

00:35:34.790 --> 00:35:38.060
putting financial pressure
on the industry.

00:35:38.060 --> 00:35:40.520
AMY GOODMAN: I want to ask you
about healthcare. You come from Canada.

00:35:41.710 --> 00:35:44.380
This weekend, I mean,
it was a major topic

00:35:44.380 --> 00:35:45.880
of discussion
at the People’s Summit,

00:35:45.880 --> 00:35:48.100
because you had
National Nurses United,

00:35:48.100 --> 00:35:51.450
a thousand nurses
at this 4,000-person event.

00:35:51.450 --> 00:35:54.860
And yet, this moment,

00:35:54.860 --> 00:35:57.790
where you talk about
how critical it

00:35:57.790 --> 00:36:04.790
actually is to seize upon
what’s happening,

00:36:04.790 --> 00:36:08.050
the—we just have this—on Monday,

00:36:08.050 --> 00:36:10.320
Senator Sanders tweeted, "BREAKING:

00:36:10.320 --> 00:36:13.150
Senate Republicans just released
a schedule of hearings,

00:36:13.150 --> 00:36:16.300
committee markups public testimony
for their health care bill."

00:36:16.300 --> 00:36:20.150
His tweet includes the image
of a blank white piece of paper.

00:36:22.260 --> 00:36:24.130
Wouldn’t this be the moment

00:36:24.130 --> 00:36:26.710
where people across
the country—in fact,

00:36:26.710 --> 00:36:28.350
some polls suggest the majority

00:36:28.350 --> 00:36:29.720
of people in the United States—
NAOMI KLEIN: Yeah, yeah.

00:36:29.720 --> 00:36:33.060
AMY GOODMAN: —would put forward
something different from Obamacare,

00:36:33.060 --> 00:36:35.900
certainly different from what
the Republicans are putting forward?

00:36:35.900 --> 00:36:36.360
NAOMI KLEIN: Yeah, yeah, of course.

00:36:36.360 --> 00:36:37.960
AMY GOODMAN: What would that look like?

00:36:37.960 --> 00:36:40.730
NAOMI KLEIN: Right. And this is
starting to happen, because, you know,

00:36:40.730 --> 00:36:43.540
I think this is also part
of the Sanders effect,

00:36:43.540 --> 00:36:47.730
of seeing how popular it
was to stand before the country

00:36:47.730 --> 00:36:51.170
and talk about single payer
on the Canadian model, right?

00:36:51.170 --> 00:36:53.140
AMY GOODMAN: And yet he hasn’t
introduced a new bill

00:36:53.140 --> 00:36:54.690
at this point for single payer.

00:36:54.690 --> 00:36:59.780
NAOMI KLEIN: But in California,
the Senate just got one step closer.

00:36:59.780 --> 00:37:01.330
The California Senate
just got one step

00:37:01.330 --> 00:37:05.270
closer to single payer
at the state level, right?

00:37:05.270 --> 00:37:07.280
And this is—you know,
there is a vacuum

00:37:07.280 --> 00:37:12.390
that’s being created
by the Trump administration

00:37:12.390 --> 00:37:13.880
going rogue on
all of these fronts.

00:37:13.880 --> 00:37:16.070
And it is creating a space

00:37:16.070 --> 00:37:18.820
for boldness at the subnational,

00:37:18.820 --> 00:37:20.730
at the municipal level.

00:37:20.730 --> 00:37:22.650
You know, climate is an example.

00:37:22.650 --> 00:37:24.170
Healthcare is an example.

00:37:24.170 --> 00:37:27.420
Imagine if we were to see
this proliferate across the country,

00:37:27.420 --> 00:37:30.400
and people realized
and experienced in their lives

00:37:30.400 --> 00:37:33.090
that it is possible to have

00:37:33.090 --> 00:37:35.630
a far less bureaucratic system,

00:37:35.630 --> 00:37:37.140
a much simpler system,

00:37:37.140 --> 00:37:39.090
with quality healthcare
that is cheaper.

00:37:39.720 --> 00:37:42.470
You know, this is
what we have in Canada.

00:37:42.470 --> 00:37:46.120
And, you know, unfortunately,
it has been under ceaseless attack

00:37:46.120 --> 00:37:48.840
by various politicians
that have underfunded it,

00:37:48.840 --> 00:37:50.370
but it’s still—you know,

00:37:50.370 --> 00:37:53.270
it’s still a good system,
despite what people hear a lot.

00:37:53.270 --> 00:37:55.900
You know, you hear
a lot of attacks

00:37:55.900 --> 00:37:57.770
on the Canadian system, endless waits.

00:37:57.770 --> 00:38:00.380
And I don’t want to idealize it,
but then, you know,

00:38:00.380 --> 00:38:02.570
look at what just happened
with Jeremy Corbyn in the U.K.,

00:38:02.570 --> 00:38:03.970
to bring him back
into the conversation.

00:38:03.970 --> 00:38:06.460
I mean, some of his
most powerful messages

00:38:06.460 --> 00:38:08.980
were about the NHS

00:38:08.980 --> 00:38:11.220
and what has happened—

00:38:11.220 --> 00:38:12.120
AMY GOODMAN: The National
Health Service.

00:38:12.120 --> 00:38:13.660
NAOMI KLEIN: Yeah, the public
healthcare system,

00:38:13.660 --> 00:38:17.330
which has been systematically
starved in order

00:38:17.330 --> 00:38:19.220
to get it ready for privatization.

00:38:19.220 --> 00:38:20.530
And he just named that.

00:38:20.530 --> 00:38:23.370
And he made these
very powerful campaign ads,

00:38:23.370 --> 00:38:26.490
including one, a beautiful
one directed by Ken Loach,

00:38:27.250 --> 00:38:30.680
that featured nurses and doctors,

00:38:30.680 --> 00:38:33.070
including a pediatrician
who broke down crying

00:38:33.070 --> 00:38:36.200
about having to send a child
to be hospitalized

00:38:36.200 --> 00:38:38.960
500 kilometers away
from where his family lived

00:38:38.960 --> 00:38:41.100
and where they couldn’t visit him.

00:38:41.100 --> 00:38:44.180
And people stepped forward

00:38:44.180 --> 00:38:46.870
and were galvanized by a desire
to reclaim the system,

00:38:46.870 --> 00:38:49.730
because when you have
universal public healthcare,

00:38:49.730 --> 00:38:51.910
no politician can
run against it.

00:38:51.910 --> 00:38:54.710
That’s why they have to
chip away at it bit by bit.

00:38:54.710 --> 00:38:57.290
And always, every politician,
no matter what party,

00:38:57.290 --> 00:39:00.450
will always claim they are defending
the public healthcare system,

00:39:00.450 --> 00:39:02.210
whether in the U.K.
or in Canada,

00:39:02.210 --> 00:39:03.710
because they will
not get elected.

00:39:03.710 --> 00:39:05.130
So what they do
is they try to kill it

00:39:05.130 --> 00:39:06.390
by these little—you know,

00:39:06.390 --> 00:39:08.270
a thousand cuts, and then they say,
"Well, it’s impossible.

00:39:08.270 --> 00:39:10.210
The waiting lists
are too long."

00:39:10.910 --> 00:39:14.390
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: I wanted to ask you—No
Is Not Enough, the title of the book

00:39:14.390 --> 00:39:16.860
—you’ve talked
about that the movement needed

00:39:16.860 --> 00:39:19.320
to have a vision
of the world it wants.

00:39:19.320 --> 00:39:22.720
Talk about the Leap Manifesto
and what it represents.

00:39:22.720 --> 00:39:25.780
NAOMI KLEIN: Right. So, you know,
what I argue in the book

00:39:25.780 --> 00:39:28.560
is that the greatest victory

00:39:28.560 --> 00:39:30.270
of the neoliberal project

00:39:30.270 --> 00:39:33.000
really comes back
to what Margaret

00:39:33.000 --> 00:39:36.300
Thatcher said many decades ago,

00:39:36.300 --> 00:39:37.970
which is that there
is no alternative,

00:39:37.970 --> 00:39:41.150
that however bad these policies
are for your life,

00:39:41.150 --> 00:39:43.060
the alternative would be even worse.

00:39:43.060 --> 00:39:45.020
It would be sort of economic apocalypse.

00:39:45.780 --> 00:39:49.240
And I think that when
we cast our minds

00:39:49.240 --> 00:39:52.630
back to the response to the 2008 crisis

00:39:52.630 --> 00:39:54.250
and the first wave of resistance,

00:39:54.250 --> 00:39:55.900
like Occupy Wall Street

00:39:56.510 --> 00:39:58.900
and the movements of
the squares across Europe,

00:40:00.160 --> 00:40:03.920
that the spell of neoliberalism
was breaking,

00:40:03.920 --> 00:40:05.390
and people had the courage to say,

00:40:05.390 --> 00:40:07.260
"No, we don’t want this model,"

00:40:07.260 --> 00:40:09.910
but somehow lacked the courage
to step forward and say,

00:40:09.910 --> 00:40:11.630
"This is what we want instead.

00:40:11.630 --> 00:40:13.900
This is the economy
that we believe is workable.

00:40:13.900 --> 00:40:15.600
We have the resources
in this time

00:40:15.600 --> 00:40:18.390
of unprecedented private wealth

00:40:18.390 --> 00:40:22.490
to provide the basics
for everybody—quality healthcare,

00:40:22.490 --> 00:40:25.320
quality education,
housing for all.

00:40:25.870 --> 00:40:27.760
You know,
we can—we understand

00:40:27.760 --> 00:40:29.360
that war is
making us less safe.

00:40:29.360 --> 00:40:32.390
We want to be a society
that welcomes refugees

00:40:32.390 --> 00:40:35.350
and those in need"—I mean,
a transformative vision—"And

00:40:35.350 --> 00:40:36.630
we believe we can do this in a way

00:40:36.630 --> 00:40:38.880
that gets us to 100
percent renewable energy

00:40:38.880 --> 00:40:41.410
as quickly as technology allows,
and, in the process,

00:40:41.410 --> 00:40:44.240
we can create huge numbers
of unionized jobs."

00:40:44.240 --> 00:40:46.160
People—we weren’t there yet.

00:40:46.160 --> 00:40:47.360
We didn’t have
the confidence yet.

00:40:47.360 --> 00:40:49.970
And I think this is just
the hangover of neoliberalism.

00:40:49.970 --> 00:40:51.450
But that is really changing.

00:40:51.450 --> 00:40:54.300
The Leap Manifesto is an example
of that in Canada,

00:40:54.300 --> 00:40:56.890
of movements coming together.

00:40:56.890 --> 00:40:59.930
It was endorsed
by 220 organizations,

00:40:59.930 --> 00:41:01.880
very broad range of organizations,

00:41:01.880 --> 00:41:05.050
from small grassroots
groups to large NGOs

00:41:05.050 --> 00:41:08.690
to the largest trade union
in Canada, labor federations,

00:41:08.690 --> 00:41:11.420
coming together to try
to sketch out that yes,

00:41:11.420 --> 00:41:13.450
what is a progressive
trade policy,

00:41:13.450 --> 00:41:17.280
and how do we get—make

00:41:17.280 --> 00:41:19.710
this bold transition off
of fossil fuels

00:41:19.710 --> 00:41:22.630
in a way that begins to heal
some of the wounds

00:41:22.630 --> 00:41:25.770
that date back to the brutal
founding of our country,

00:41:25.770 --> 00:41:28.780
that puts indigenous rights
at the center of it,

00:41:28.780 --> 00:41:30.510
racial justice at the center of it,

00:41:30.510 --> 00:41:33.460
that connects migration
to climate change,

00:41:33.460 --> 00:41:35.630
to war, to bad trade deals.

00:41:35.630 --> 00:41:37.540
You know, it is not
a perfect document,

00:41:37.540 --> 00:41:40.410
but I include it as an example
of what I describe in the book

00:41:40.410 --> 00:41:42.120
as a sort of a reawakening

00:41:42.120 --> 00:41:43.430
of the utopian imagination.

00:41:43.430 --> 00:41:47.280
In this country, I would point
to the Vision for Black Lives,

00:41:47.280 --> 00:41:51.210
the document that came out
during the election campaign

00:41:51.210 --> 00:41:52.950
out of the Movement
for Black Lives,

00:41:52.950 --> 00:41:56.560
which is, you know,
an incredibly bold people’s platform.

00:41:57.180 --> 00:42:00.130
And we are in this moment
in the sort of Trump resistance

00:42:00.130 --> 00:42:02.280
where there’s a lot
of uncertainty

00:42:02.280 --> 00:42:03.940
about what the
electoral strategy is.

00:42:03.940 --> 00:42:05.200
You know, I was at
the People’s Summit.

00:42:05.200 --> 00:42:06.480
It was fantastic.

00:42:06.480 --> 00:42:08.650
But I didn’t leave it
knowing what the plan was,

00:42:08.650 --> 00:42:11.550
in the sense of it
wasn’t clear who the candidates

00:42:11.550 --> 00:42:13.110
are going to be
the next time around.

00:42:13.110 --> 00:42:14.980
It wasn’t clear
if it was a strategy

00:42:14.980 --> 00:42:16.730
wholly inside the Democratic Party

00:42:16.730 --> 00:42:18.750
or whether there were people there
who were talking about

00:42:18.750 --> 00:42:20.430
wanting to form
a party outside.

00:42:21.140 --> 00:42:23.420
This is—you know,
this is a question

00:42:23.420 --> 00:42:24.900
that I certainly can’t settle.

00:42:24.900 --> 00:42:26.270
I’m not in a position
to settle this.

00:42:26.270 --> 00:42:30.010
But what I do know is that
social movement are surging.

00:42:30.010 --> 00:42:32.980
And I think that we are
in a position

00:42:32.980 --> 00:42:35.870
where we could have really bold

00:42:35.870 --> 00:42:38.030
people’s platforms
that emerge from below.

00:42:38.030 --> 00:42:39.600
And there’s lots of examples
of this starting

00:42:39.600 --> 00:42:41.320
to happen
as movements come together

00:42:41.320 --> 00:42:42.770
out of their silos

00:42:42.770 --> 00:42:44.820
to get clear on
what the demands are,

00:42:44.820 --> 00:42:46.320
what the yes is.

00:42:46.320 --> 00:42:48.130
And then, whoever
the politician is,

00:42:48.130 --> 00:42:49.920
whoever the party is,

00:42:49.920 --> 00:42:52.080
they have to follow
that people’s platform.

00:42:52.080 --> 00:42:54.630
AMY GOODMAN: And the media
has to be there, too.

00:42:54.630 --> 00:42:56.310
I mean, you had
The Globe and Mail

00:42:56.310 --> 00:42:58.740
calling the Leap Manifesto—
NAOMI KLEIN: Madness.

00:42:58.740 --> 00:42:59.660
AMY GOODMAN: —a national suicide.

00:42:59.660 --> 00:43:01.020
NAOMI KLEIN: No, that was—"
national suicide,"

00:43:01.020 --> 00:43:02.510
that may have been
the National Post.

00:43:02.510 --> 00:43:04.510
But The Globe and Mail
just called it "madness."

00:43:04.510 --> 00:43:06.480
It’s called the Leap Manifesto,

00:43:06.480 --> 00:43:08.410
caring for the planet
and each other.

00:43:08.410 --> 00:43:09.920
And they were like,
"That’s insane!"

00:43:09.920 --> 00:43:12.750
You know?
"It will kill the country."

00:43:12.750 --> 00:43:14.450
AMY GOODMAN: And do you see
the media changing,

00:43:14.450 --> 00:43:16.430
as more and more people join media

00:43:16.430 --> 00:43:18.130
in different ways,
and the independent media?

00:43:18.130 --> 00:43:20.170
NAOMI KLEIN: Yeah, I mean, what I see
is it not—is it not hurting us.

00:43:20.170 --> 00:43:21.680
I mean, the more—I mean,

00:43:21.680 --> 00:43:23.580
one of our national newspapers,
the National Post,

00:43:23.580 --> 00:43:27.390
ran 35 negative articles
about the Leap Manifesto

00:43:27.390 --> 00:43:29.950
and then refused to publish
one letter to the editor

00:43:29.950 --> 00:43:32.530
trying to correct the record, you know?

00:43:32.530 --> 00:43:35.310
But people kept signing it, you know?

00:43:36.020 --> 00:43:39.660
And I guess we have
the tools to—you know,

00:43:39.660 --> 00:43:40.960
it’s a 1,400-word document.

00:43:40.960 --> 00:43:41.340
AMY GOODMAN: Thirty seconds.

00:43:41.340 --> 00:43:44.340
NAOMI KLEIN: We can—people can read it
themselves and make up their own mind.

00:43:44.340 --> 00:43:48.220
And I think there’s such a distrust
of the traditional punditocracy,

00:43:48.220 --> 00:43:50.770
that, Amy, you have
described the people

00:43:50.770 --> 00:43:52.710
who know so little
about so much.

00:43:52.710 --> 00:43:54.700
And I think people are
finally catching up to you

00:43:54.700 --> 00:43:55.930
and understanding that.

00:43:55.930 --> 00:43:57.790
AMY GOODMAN: So, ultimately,
do you hold out hope?

00:43:58.730 --> 00:44:02.040
NAOMI KLEIN: You know, I think this is
this moment where progressive ideas

00:44:02.040 --> 00:44:04.430
are more popular than they’ve been
in my lifetime,

00:44:04.430 --> 00:44:05.750
but on the other hand,

00:44:05.750 --> 00:44:07.920
so are white
supremacist ideas.

00:44:07.920 --> 00:44:10.910
And that is playing
out on real bodies

00:44:10.910 --> 00:44:12.430
in real time on the streets.

00:44:12.430 --> 00:44:13.630
It is a race
against time.

